VIEWPOINTS

Identifying Place
— Melissa Obi

The influence of tourism on Chinatown's cultural identity

For numerous cities worldwide, the use of Chinatowns as tourist attractions has proven effective in fostering demographic and economic growth, thus prompting a high emphasis on tourism in the planning process of these communities, particularly as concerns enhancing features associated with Chinese culture. This new focus in the planning process underscores the necessity for planners to acknowledge other possible effects of tourism, specifically its impact on the community’s cultural identity. Hence, a vital step in the process of developing an area plan is consulting with stakeholders such as the residents and business owners that comprise the community. This enables planners and decision-makers to have a comprehensive understanding of prospective outcomes which may arise from their proposed plan. It is of particular importance to evaluate potential sociological issues when dealing with residential and commercial zones like Chinatown. After spending three months studying sociological literature relevant to Chinatowns and gathering information about various neighbourhoods of this nature, I am able to provide some sociological context to the planning of a Chinatown. My research has shown how tourism can spur an increase in cultural elements, thus giving the site a more ethnic [1] character and boosting its attraction for tourists. On the other hand, as tourists frequent the neighbourhood, it can expose Chinatown to a loss of cultural identity through gentrification and the commodification of race. 

Despite the popularity of modern Chinatowns, these neighbourhoods are plagued by a history of marginalization, racialization, and forced segregation. Upon arrival in sixteenth-century North America for work, Chinese immigrants faced discrimination. Due to their economic desperation and acceptance of low-paid work from Canadian employers, Chinese immigrants were considered a source of cheap labour to be exploited (Anderson 1987). Furthermore, negative stereotypes of them were created by European Canadians who were averse to associate with or live near them (ibid). Consequently, the Chinese workers were forced to reside in crowded conditions within a scant number of streets that became known as “Chinatown.” This name Anderson (1987, 585) explains, “sanctions arbitrary boundaries of insider and outsider, and the idea of mainstream society as ‘white’, thus enforcing and propagating white European hegemony.” In Vancouver, harsh treaties prevented the Chinese from owning property outside the Chinatown area until the 1930s (ibid). Unable to reside anywhere else, these communities became a haven against the hostile and racist environment of the general population. Today, these neighbourhoods signify a means for the Chinese population in diaspora to alleviate feelings of homesickness by surrounding themselves with the familiar culture of their home country.

One phase of my research centres on analyzing the area plans for the Chinatowns in Chicago and Washington, DC. As with many neighbourhoods of this kind, the area plans perceive tourism as a means for economic growth. Thus, to varying degrees, the two plans have been proposed with the intention of inviting tourists. Extensive comparison of both proposals makes it evident that the Washington, DC plan places much greater emphasis on the need to attract tourists. This, I credit to the disparity in demographic trends amongst the two locations – DC’s Chinatown is experiencing population decline while in Chicago, the neighbourhood continues to expand with people (Chicago Metropolitan Agency for Planning, 7). Consequently, the goal of alluring tourists acts as a driving force for the plan’s decision to incorporate and enhance Chinese culture in all aspects of the neighbourhood. 

Considering Silver and Clark’s (2017) analysis of scenes allows for firm understanding of the role tourism plays in enhancing the ethnic culture of an area. Silver et al. (2010, 2302) operationalize a scene as a “specific cluster of amenities” with three symbolic dimensions – theatricality, legitimacy and authenticity – which capture the specific values and experiences that different types of amenities promote (ibid, 2298). Theatricality draws on the innate performative character of social interaction, while legitimacy stresses the moral values implicit in everyday practices, and authenticity often focuses on having a sense of genuine ethnic rootedness when used in the context of scenes (ibid, 2298, 2301). Silver and Clark (2017, 7) elucidate that amplifying cultural features in ethnic neighbourhoods can be “a source of internal ethnic pride, and a proud cultural artifact to display to tourists.” They further explain that when the tourist’s gaze is acknowledged, yet not feared, it can enhance the theatricality of urban life, while retaining a sense of ethnic authenticity (ibid, 7). A tactic to attract tourists, the DC plan’s effort to create a Physical Chinatown Experiencethoroughly exemplifies this synthesis of theatricality and authenticity. Their proposal involves making the streets of Chinatown vibrant and captivating with authentic Chinese signs and bright colours, as well as replicating the busy atmosphere of Asian streets (District of Columbia Office of Planning). Additionally, a desire for more Chinatown cultural shows and festivals featuring Chinese cuisine is expressed in the plan. The recommendation to add more authentic small businesses and ethnic restaurants is also made. According to Silver et al. (2010), these serve as markers of ethnic authenticity in a scene. As part of the Physical Chinatown Experience, the plan also recommends a policy to preserve existing Chinese architectural facets while erecting new buildings in a similar fashion, in order to complement the heritage (District of Columbia Office of Planning). In an interview with Liza Chan, the Executive Director of the Calgary Chinese Elderly Citizens Association, she too recognizes that Chinatowns in North America are disappearing. Similar to the Washington, DC cultural plan, she expresses a desire to attract tourists through the spectacle of a cultural statue and through more traditionally Chinese architecture. Though the implementation of these elements may seem motivated merely by exhibition purposes, Kwok B. Chan (1986) emphasises that this infrastructure functions to safeguard the continuity of Chinese values, beliefs, and symbols, enabling these to be passed on to new generations. The ethnic values associated with the architecture, festivals and food strengthens the Chinese cultural identity of the neighbourhood. 

Although planning Chinatown with the goal of attracting tourists can produce an intensification of ethnic culture, planners must also be wary of the threats that tourism poses to the neighbourhood’s cultural identity. Jan Lin (2008, 113) reveals that the ability of ethnic enclaves to attract tourists could ultimately brand them as focal points for gentrification and urban development. In his study of Los Angeles’s Chinatown, he notes that tourism brought “tangible benefits to Chinatown in the form of jobs, economic growth, and tax revenues” (ibid, 114). While seemingly favourable, this economic growth initiated the displacement of independent small Chinese American businesses and low-income residents via rising property and rent prices. Additionally, it prompted the construction of mixed-use residential condominium projects. These modern buildings harshly contrast with any existing traditional architecture in the district, thus diluting its ethnic character. Moreover, as the population of Chinese American businesses and residents declined, a new population of white middle-to-upper class professionals and artists moved in (ibid). As discussed earlier, ethnic businesses contribute to the neighbourhood’s cultural character. It is doubtful that the white middle-to-upper class professionals are setting up authentic businesses rich in Chinese culture. Consequently, Chinese and other entrepreneurs find themselves vying for a share of the market and also for the right to claim the identity of the area (Rath et al., 2018). During my ethnographic study of Calgary’s Chinatown, I discovered a sizable parking lot on 3rdAvenue SW. Large, empty areas like this are usually susceptible to urban development. Lin (2008) speaks of an approach to lessening issues surrounding urban development in ethnic enclaves such as Chinatowns. The presence of an “ethnic growth machine” consisting of ethnic and non-ethnic entrepreneurs working amicably together can hopefully accomplish renewal and growth of the area while sustaining the social institutions and cultural integrity (Lin 2008, 122). 

Naram (2017) explains that tourism may further attempt to weaken the cultural identity of a place through the commodification of race, which theorist Nancy Long (2013) terms racial capitalism - “the process of deriving social or economic value from the racial identity of another person” (ibid, 2152). For Long, racial capitalism yields “a stake in one’s racial identity” meaning that “outsiders [decide] the way racial identity should be performed” (ibid, 2202). In this sense, tourism leads to “a hollowing out of Chinatown’s cultural identity” (Naram 2017). The “outsiders” capitalizing off Chinatown’s culture expose the neighbourhood to the risk of its becoming a transclave, a term that sociologist Jinwon Kim (2018, 276) uses to describe a “commercialized ethnic space that exists exclusively for consumption, leisure, and entertainment.” Unlike ethnic enclaves, transclaves are not ethnic residential districts. In fact, they are non-residential. Though their services cater to both ethnic and non-ethnic consumers, they mainly target non-ethnic buyers. A holistic examination of transclaves reveals that their effects on ethnic culture are not always negative. For example, Koreatowns transmit Korean consumer culture to major global cities, establishing these in the new area and embedding them in the physical space (ibid, 277). As they cater to non-ethnic consumers, however, a loss of culture is inevitable. In the case of Koreatowns, ethnic markers are found to be “quasi-authentic” (ibid, 292). 

My observation of Calgary’s Chinatown reveals existing ways in which it helps to serve as a tourist attraction. Gieryn (2000, 470) establishes that one way cities entice tourists is by differentiating themselves from other cities. Similarly, walking through Downtown Calgary, a noticeable shift in atmosphere can be detected between Chinatown and the surrounding quarters. Gieryn emphasises that “the contrast between a place and its surrounding unidentified spaces may be achievable through continuity…or through uniqueness” (ibid, 472). Through the persistence of specific design elements like signage (figure 1), streetlamp design (figure 2) and Chinese-inspired architecture, it is easy to differentiate Chinatown from the surrounding areas where these features are not present. For example, while red benches and bike racks can be found inside Chinatown, the adjacent areas contain identical versions in different colours (figures 3 and 4). The trash cans in the neighbourhood are also red with tops resembling Asian conical hats, while trash cans in other part of downtown are black and have no tops (figure 5).  The change of colour is noteworthy because the colours red and yellow are historically documented as the imperial colours of the Chinese empire, specifically the Ming and Qing dynasty. Over time, these colours have become the national colours of the country, as seen in China’s national flag. 

Figure 1(L): Street sign at Daqing Avenue and 1st Street NW in Chinese characters and English characters. Figure 2(R): Red street lamps and Chinese lanterns. Figure 3 (L): Red bike rack in  Chinatown (R.): black bike rack in an area of Downtown outside Chinatown. Figure 4 (L): – Red bench in Chinatown (R.) blue bench in an area of Downtown outside Chinatown. Photos © Obi, Melissa, 2019.

Furthermore, the architecture of the Calgary Chinese Cultural Centre is a significant cultural element as its roof replicates that of the Temple of Heaven in Beijing, which was used by the emperors of the Ming and Qing dynasties for worship (figure 6). The interior of the Calgary Chinese Cultural Centre also shares striking similarities to The Temple of Heaven (figure 7).

Figure 6 (L):  Exterior of the Calgary Chinese Cultural Centre with a roof replicating the Temple of Heaven. (R.): The Temple of Heaven in Beijing. Photo © Ta, Alicia, 2018. Figure 7 (L): Ceiling of the Calgary Chinese Cultural Centre. Figure 8 (R.): Chinese guardian lion statue on Centre Street Bridge, at the entrance of Chinatown. Photo © Obi, Melissa, 2019.

Other unique cultural facets like Chinese guardian lion statues are stationed at the boundaries of Chinatown and stand out from the surrounding areas of Downtown (figure 8). Similarly, many Chinatowns in North America make use of physical ornamental gates to mark the beginning and end of these neighbourhoods. This is done in effort to limit the expansion of the neighbourhoods, given their central locations. In comparison to the rest of Downtown Calgary, the smaller Chinatown streets also contain more benches. This inviting design speaks to Gieryn’s (2000) point that “engagement can be built in” by “designing facilities to maximize chance interaction” (ibid, 477). Thus, the appearance of an intimate community is perpetuated by these “patterns of face-to-face interaction” (ibid).  A sense of community is further illustrated by associations. The Sue Yeun Association, Calgary Vietnamese Chinese Association, Calgary Harmony of Art’s Association and the Lee Association are only a few of the associations I sighted during my ethnographic study (Figure 9). No doubt, these groups function to encourage a cohesive nature between Chinatown’s dwellers, thus fostering neighbourly interactions unique to the locality. 

Noting the bond shared by the community further raises concern that the planning of Calgary’s Chinatown primarily as a tourist attraction may yield similar consequences to Los Angeles’s Chinatown. Specifically, the potentially resulting gentrification may lead to the displacement of some Chinese residents and business owners as people from different backgrounds move into the area. Furthermore, gentrification may involve the construction of buildings which contrast with the already existing Chinese architecture, thus decreasing the neighbourhood’s ethnic character. If planners have the goal of inviting visitors when planning a Chinatown, they must ponder the present and future implications of tourism on the neighbourhood’s cultural identity. As illustrated by Washington DC’s Chinatown cultural plan, tourism can be a motivation for implementing more Chinese culture in the area. However, it also has the potential to weaken the ethnic identity of a neighbourhood, as shown through the effects of economic growth in LA’s Chinatown and Koreatown’s quasi-authenticity. Though Calgary’s Chinatown does not have a declining demographic as did the Chinatown in Washington, DC, Calgary’s Chinatown may find that tourism is necessary to advance its economy (The City of Calgary Community Profiles). Therefore, it is crucial to explore the sociological effects of tourism. Furthermore, the emergence of Chinatowns lends credence to the saying that ‘necessity is the mother of invention.’ Originating as a response to racial challenges, Chinatowns are now a unique facet of most large cities. How can municipalities take advantage of increased tourism to advance the economies of their Chinatowns while simultaneously safeguarding them against the weakening of their unique cultural identities? This is an area that merits further research. 

[1] Ethnic is a contentious term which reinforces the notion of “whiteness” as a hegemonic category of identity (Anderson 1987). 

References

Anderson, Kay J. 1987. “The Idea of Chinatown: The Power of Place and Institutional Practice in the Making of a Racial Category.” Annuals of the Association of American Geographers 77(4): 580-598. 

Chan, Kwok. 1986. “Ethnic Urban Space, Urban Displacement and Forced Relocation: The Case of Chinatown in Montreal.” Canadian Ethnic Studies 18(2): 65-78.

Chicago Metropolitan Agency for Planning. 2015. Chinatown Community Vision Plan. Retrieved April 8, 2019 (https://www.caslservice.org/wpcontent/uploads/2016/06/CCVP.pdf)

District of Columbia Office of Planning. Chinatown Cultural Development Small Area Plan. Retrieved April 8, 2019 (https://planning.dc.gov/publication/chinatown-cultural-development-small-area-action-plan) 

Gieryn, Thomas. 2000. “A Space for Place in Sociology.” Annual Review of Sociology 26:46396.

Kim, Jinwon. 2018. “Manhattan’s Koreatown as a Transclave: The Emergence of a New Ethnic Enclave in a Global City.” City & Community 17(1): 276-95.

Lin, Jan 2008. “Los Angeles Chinatown: Tourism, Gentrification, and the Rise of an Ethnic Growth Machine.”Amerasia Journal 34(3): 110-26.

Leong, Nancy 2013. “Racial Capitalism.” Harvard Law Review 126(8): 2153-2154.

Naram, Kartik. 2017. “No Place Like Home: Racial Capitalism, Gentrification, and the Identity of Chinatown.” Asian American Policy Review 27(1): 31-48.

Silver, Daniel, Terry Nichols Clark, Clemente Jesus Navarro Yanez. 2010. “Scenes: Social Context in an Age of Contingency.” Social Forces 88(5): 2293-2324.

Silver, Daniel and Terry Nichols Clark. 2017. “Consumer Cities, Scenes, and Ethnic Restaurants.”

The City of Calgary Community Profiles. Chinatown Profile Part A. Retreived April 11 2019 (http://www.calgary.ca/CSPS/CNS/Documents/community_social_statistics/chinatown.pdf

Rath, Jan, Annemarie Bodaar, Thomas Wagemaakers and Pui Yan Wu. 2018. “Chinatown 2.0: the difficult flowering of an ethnically themed shopping area.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 44(1): 81-98. 

Melissa Obi: is an Urban Studies student at the University of Calgary, interested in the sociological impacts of the built environment. She is pursuing a career in Architecture.